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It was British banks, not British borrowers, that crashed our economy

  • Friday, 4 May 2012 at 12:28 pm

The Defence Secretary Philip Hammond tells The Daily Telegraph today that ordinary people are blaming the banks for Britain’s economic bust when they should be blaming themselves.

“People say to me, ‘it was the banks’. I say, ‘hang on, the banks had to lend to someone’. People feel in a sense that someone else is responsible for the decisions they made. Of course, if banks don’t offer credit, people can’t take it. [But] there were two consenting adults in all these transactions, a borrower and a lender, and they may both have made wrong calls. Some people are unwilling to accept responsibility for the consequences of their own choices.”

Mr Hammond, who was part of David Cameron’s economic team in opposition, also suggested that it is the public’s desire to pay down huge debt levels now that is holding back the economy.

I’m skeptical about this for two reasons. First, and most important, the UK’s banking crisis was not a consequence of bad loans made to British households or companies. Second, it is far from clear that UK households were disastrously overly indebted in the years preceding the crisis.

Let’s deal with the banks first.

Ben Broadbent, the former Goldman Sachs economist who now sits as an external member of the Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Committee, last month gave a speech in which he showed our largest banks got into trouble in 2008 because of their bad loans made to the rest of the world, not their UK lending.

This chart demonstrates the point:

Untitled 14 It was British banks, not British borrowers, that crashed our economy

75% of the banks’ losses were from their non-UK lending books. As Broadbent points out, the major UK banks were hit 15 times harder by losses on non-UK mortgages than duff UK home loans.

There’s no question that UK banks became perilously overextended in the years after the turn of the millennium. Their total assets reached 350% of our annual GDP, almost doubling over a decade. But let’s be clear: this massive expansion of lending was not a consequence of loans to British households. Much of it was lending to other banks (both here in the UK and abroad) as their casino trading arms engaged in an orgy of socially useless speculation.

This chart, again from Mr Broadbent’s speech, shows that lending to the British non-financial sector remained pretty constant as a share of GDP over the decade, at around 80%:

Untitled 2 It was British banks, not British borrowers, that crashed our economy

So what can we draw from this? Britain’s largest banks went bust, helping to plunge the UK into the deepest slump since the 1930s, because they overextended themselves. But bad loans made to British households were a minor part of their total losses. The banks did not go bust because ordinary Britons borrowed too much.

Now let’s address the idea that – even if it didn’t cause the banking bust – British households borrowed too much in the boom years and that these debt levels are now weighing down on our economy, stifling recovery.

This has become conventional wisdom. Proponents point to graphs such as these (courtesy of Fact Check), showing that debt as a share of household disposable income in the UK rose to 170%, much higher than in other advanced countries:

Untitled 3 It was British banks, not British borrowers, that crashed our economy

Case closed? Not necessarily. Ben Broadbent has some very interesting things to say on this area in his speech too.

He pointed out that the majority of the extra debt incurred by British households was mortgage debt, as this shows:

Untitled 4 It was British banks, not British borrowers, that crashed our economy

Secured lending here is mainly mortgage borrowing.

And when one considers mortgage debt one also needs to consider the other side of the balance sheet: housing values, which exploded over the decade.

When one factors in rising house values, the net financial position of UK households during the last decade looks much less alarming:

Untitled 5 It was British banks, not British borrowers, that crashed our economy

As Broadbent points out, UK households’ net financial wealth was no lower in 2008 than it was in 1992.

Ah, but didn’t we have a massive housing bubble? Hasn’t much of the value of those “assets” been wiped out, proving that we did borrow too much after all? The answer to that is that we don’t know yet.

House prices have fallen from the pre-crisis peak by around 15%. But that is nothing like the collapse witnessed in bust housing markets such as the US and Spain, where values are down by something close to 50%:

Untitled 6 It was British banks, not British borrowers, that crashed our economy

House prices may be on their way down again here in the UK, and this will cause further problems for the banks, but this is by no means certain. In the past I’ve argued that the only way is down for the market, with prices still well above historic income to value ratios. But now I’m beginning to think that there’s such a shortage of housing supply in this country that values could well remain elevated, despite the weak economy.

Reasonable people can take different views on this subject.

It is also reasonable to point out that unsecured lending – credit card debt – rose in the years running up to the recession and that this is likely to be weighing on consumer spending now as people seek to pay off debt:

Untitled 7 It was British banks, not British borrowers, that crashed our economy

But be wary of those who confidently assert that our present economy malaise is a consequence of high household debt levels. And certainly don’t accept for a moment that British banks fell over in 2008 because they lent too much to us.

Guardian Letter 03/05/2012

The banks are multinational and too big to fail. Mrs Thatcher saw to that. Increasing uk interest rates before 2007 would have had no effect. It would have caused a uk recession but the banking crisis would have still happened here. Uk banks would simply borrow somewhere interest rates are low (not parking reserves in Bank of England) and atill lent into dodgy high yield markets such as US sub prime. The madness with derivatives would have still happened. In 2008 net borrowing was 2.6% of GDP, net debt was 36% of GDP and structural deficit was 2.6% of GDP. The next year net borrowing and trebbled (6.7% and then 11.1% last year) as had the structural deficit (rising to 6.3% and then 8.8%). Net debt rose from 36% of GDP in 2008 to 43% and then to 52%. These changes have bugger all to do with labour spending and everything to do with the costs of the worldwide bank induced great recession. In 2008 there was a Worldwide financial crash. The cause is the fundamental basis under which the money supply has operated since the 1980s. Basically the only way we currently allow the money supply to widen (allowing growth) is for private banks to create new money as debt. This is how 97% of all new money (£2.6 trillion of it since 1997) has been created. This has nothing to do with labour (it has to with Mrs Thatcher and Mr Reagan if were looking for blame) and is how all G20 countries now work their economies. There are very good reasons we should return to the system we had before the 80s as the cause of our problems is the debt and inequality that allowing the banks to create debt causes. What should happen is massive QE to buy back government debt and then the Bank should destroy the debts. Fortunately this process is fairly advanced now with the wholly publicly owned Asset Purchase Facility owning a third of all outstanding government debt the OECD think this will rise to 40%. In our current liquidity trap with the money supply contracting due to the banks, private sector and households all deleveraging there is no danger in doing this and it will be done. However, To prevent inflation this needs to be matched with a corresponding decrease in bank leverage levels – making the banks safer. The result is a money supply, not based on debt that ensures less recessions and financial crashes. This is how the money supply operated for thirty years after WW 2 – a period of high growth, no financial crashes and only two very mild recessions. Also much more equality and very high growth in real terms earnings and living standards. The Tories get over 50% of their funding from bankers. They have done nothing to reform the banks and have removed the bankers bonus tax. What we need is public outcry to force the seperation of retail from casno banks now – not in 2019. We need a statutorylimit on bankers earnings at 25 times minimum wage. We need a financial transaction tax. We need a banning of tax havens such as the Crown protectorates. We need a full ban on over the counter derivatives. Bankers and media magnates should be banned from political patronage. Guilty bankers should be thrown in jail.

FTSE directors’ pension pots average record £3.9m

TUC PensionsWatch shows top pensions rise along with big jump in FTSE chiefs’ pay as real wages for workers decline

The directors of the largest 100 British companies are in line for average annual pension payments of £224,000 each, according to a survey today.

The report shows 362 top directors have built up final salary pensions worth £568m and the average pension pot transfer value is at a record high – £3.91m compared with £3.8m last year. Directors also retire earlier than their staff. The most common age is 60, while for ordinary scheme members it is 65 and expected to rise.

The highest earning pensioner among current FTSE 100 directors will be the former chief executive of oil group Royal Dutch Shell, who is entitled to £1.2m a year from his company scheme. Jeroen van der Veer, who stepped down from the top job in 2009 but remains on the board, has amassed a pension pot worth £21.6m, the TUC has revealed in its 9th annual PensionsWatch report.

Just before his retirement, Van der Veer declared that pay had little impact on performance, saying: “If I had been paid 50% more, I would not have done it better. If I had been paid 50% less then I would not have done it worse.”

The details of FTSE directors’ pensions comes days after another survey showed that chief executives at the top 100 companies saw pay and bonus packages jump by an average of £1.3m to almost £4.5m last year, the biggest leap in nine years.

According to a study commissioned by the High Pay Commission, the average pay deal for a FTSE 100 boss soared from £3.09m to £4.45m as business leaders were able to enjoy record windfalls from share-based incentive schemes, thanks to a sharp bounce in the stock market.

The benefits reaped from the stock market bubble by FTSE 100 executives have not been mirrored on the shop floor. Annual wage rises stood at 2.2% for the final three months of 2010. Factoring in the rising cost of living – the retail price index stood at 4.8% last December – that means most workers in Britain saw a significant decline in their real incomes.

The TUC survey shows a growing number of bosses receive cash instead of, or in addition to, company pension scheme contributions. Pearson’s long-standing chief executive, Marjorie Scardino, banked the largest cash payment, of £620,700 – nearly 76% of her salary – while Peter Clarke, chief executive of hedge fund Man Group, pocketed £532,000 – 94% of his salary.

Stephen Hester, chief executive of state-controlled Royal Bank of Scotland, received the third largest cash payment, collecting £420,000, or 35% of his salary.

Companies with defined contribution schemes – less advantageous than the final salary schemes gradually being phased out – make much larger contributions to directors’ pensions as a proportion of salary than they do for the average employee.

Directors surveyed enjoyed average company contributions of 22% of their salaries. The average for all employees is 6.7%, while many companies set default contributions even lower, at 3%, according to the Association of Consulting Actuaries.

TUC general secretary Brendan Barber said: “This survey highlights the real pension scandal in Britain today. Public sector workers are rightly furious about being told that their pensions of just a few thousand pounds are ‘gold-plated’ and unaffordable by the same business leaders who stay silent on the multimillion-pound pensions that many enjoy themselves.”

Barber added: “It’s hardly a surprise that these lavish rewards are signed off when directors sit on each other’s company remuneration committees. This culture of mutual backslapping must be tackled by giving ordinary staff members a voice on remuneration committees.”

Barber called on the government to force companies to disclose directors’ pension arrangements so that they could be scrutinised by staff and shareholders.

With more directors opting for cash payments, the TUC says pensions secrecy is increasing. In some cases, retirement cash is listed under other “emoluments”, making such payments harder to detect. “This may result in the number of directors being covered in any review of executive retirement provision shrinking,” according to the report.

Directors still receive 23 times more than the average worker, a figure which has stayed fairly constant since the survey began in 2003. Members of company and public sector schemes receive an average annual pot of £9,568, while the average public sector pension is £6,497.

Darren Philp, policy director for the National Association of Pension Funds, said: “More transparency is needed around boardroom pensions. It is also worrying that directors’ pensions are not usually linked to performance. This could mean bosses are rewarded in their retirement despite failure in the job. Pensions must not become a back-door to boosting pay.”

http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2011/sep/07/ftse-directors-pensions-worth-millions

The fault lies with George Osborne

The fault lies with George Osborne | David Blanchflower | Comment is free | The Guardian.

The growth figures are disastrous – but so bad there’s no chance of an interest rate rise this year.

In his budget speech last month, Chancellor George Osborne suggested that he was hoping for “an economy where the growth happens across the country and across all sectors. That is our ambition”. Sadly, to judge by Wednesday’s GDP figures, growth under this coalition remains just an ambition, a mere illusion. The British economy has not grown at all over the last six months, it has flatlined and is stagnant, simple as that. In contrast the economy grew by 1.8% over the previous two quarters of 2010, when the previous Labour government’s policies still had a strong influence.

This is not “good news”, as David Cameron astonishingly claimed at prime minister’s questions – where he was accused by the Labour leader, Ed Miliband, of “extraordinary complacency”. In fact it is disastrous. It is time the prime minister stopped the spin and recognised that the government’s economic policies are not working. The sad truth is that the data is going to worsen a lot in the second and third quarters of this year and into next as the austerity measures hit. Over the last six months employment has grown by only 65,000 – far below the numbers needed to compensate for the cull of jobs the coalition has planned. Unemployment is set to rise.

The excuse that the poor performance of the economy was due to the snow has also been put to rest: it is entirely attributable to the coalition’s reckless economic policies. Some coalition supporters in the City have even claimed the numbers just can’t be true and will be revised upwards; but there is still a chance that these numbers will move down if the most recent revisions to GDP data are anything to go by. Since the start of 2007 the average revision has been to reduce growth by 0.1% a month. And if the next quarter’s data is bad, coalition ministers will probably try to blame it on Easter being late, or the royal wedding.

The driving force pulling growth downwards was the construction sector, which decreased by 4.7% – a larger drop than the market expected. Services and manufacturing grew by 0.9% and 1.1% respectively. And government spending increased by 0.7% compared with a decrease of 0.1% in the previous quarter. But this week’s CBI industrial trends survey suggested that growth in manufacturing has reached its high-water mark. The collapse in consumer confidence indicates that the retail sector will not support further growth. And given that the government sector will be a big negative, the future for the economy looks pretty bleak.

The claim that the increasingly awful economic news is all down to Gordon Brown and Alistair Darling, and is not the coalition’s fault, doesn’t seem to be convincing the British public. According to the latest YouGov poll this month, 52% of respondents thought the coalition government is handling the economy badly, compared with 15% in May 2010 and 38% last October.

Even though Wednesday’s data is consistent with many predictions, it is well below the Office for Budget Responsibility’s forecast of 0.8%. The coalition has been in office for nearly a year and they now need to own these GDP numbers. They are Osborne’s fault; the economy slowed sharply because of his incompetence. The whole idea of an “expansionary fiscal contraction” was always “oxymoronic”, as Larry Summers, President Obama’s former adviser, noted at Bretton Woods recently. There is no convincing evidence that such policies have ever succeeded in pulling an economy out of a deep recession.

The only bit of good news is that the job of the Bank of England’s monetary policy committee should now be a lot easier: the poor growth data should take away any possibility of an interest rate rise this year.

In the immediate term, the MPC’s next announcement comes at noon on 5 May, the day of the local elections. My experience of being on the committee suggests that members would be extremely wary of changing rates on such a politically charged day.

At the last meeting, members Martin Weale and Spencer Dale both voted for an increase of 25 basis points, but notably changed their reasoning from “compelling” in March to “finely balanced” in April. The new data release suggests to me that both will now vote for “no change” next month: indeed, it is inevitable that the MPC will downgrade its growth forecast in the May inflation report, which raises the prospect of further quantitative easing this year.

The times they are a changing, but not for the better. It’s time for a rethink, George, if you want to keep your job.

It’s official — we’re not all in this together

New Statesman – It’s official — we’re not all in this together.

Workers are taking a pummelling as real earnings fall for all but those in the financial sector, and those at the bottom are being hit hardest

George Osborne. Photograph: Getty Images

I was surprised to discover last weekend that George Osborne feels vindicated by what other countries are doing to address the economic crisis. Apparently, the Chancellor believes there is some similarity between the US economy and that of the UK. Indeed, his words were accompanied by headlines such as “Deficit deniers are trounced”, which appeared in the Daily Mail on 16 April above a piece by Alex Brummer. I would invite the growth deniers to consider the facts.

Since November, unemployment in the US has dropped by roughly one million and the jobless rate has fallen by 1 full percentage point. In the UK, unemployment has fallen by 12,000 and the jobless rate has fallen by a tenth of 1 per cent. US GDP grew by 0.8 per cent in the fourth quarter of 2010 and 2.7 per cent year-on-year, compared to a quarterly decline of 0.5 per cent in the UK and 1.5 per cent on the year. Ignore the empty threats by the Standard & Poor’s credit rating agency to downgrade US debt: America is recovering nicely while the UK is not.

Different strokes

Meanwhile, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), which Osborne claims is a big supporter of his austerity measures, is forecasting UK growth of 1.5 per cent and 2.0 per cent for 2011 and 2012, respectively, compared to 2.2 per cent and 3.1 per cent for the US. The Consumer Prices Index measure of inflation in the UK was 4 per cent in March; the comparable figure across the Atlantic was 2.7 per cent. Ed Balls noted this month that the Chancellor is “forgetting that, by taking a steadier approach to secure the US recovery, President Obama now has a growing economy and falling unemployment, which is crucial to getting the deficit down”. As they say, different horses for different courses.

In his 23 March Budget speech, Osborne claimed that “our country’s fiscal plans have been strongly endorsed by the IMF, by the European Commission, by the OECD, and by every reputable business body in Britain”. The IMF has already lowered its forecasts for the UK economy and its boss, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, used some prepared remarks to the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC on 13 April to warn against cutting budgets too far, creating long-term unemployment. “What about fiscal policy? Advanced countries need to put fiscal positions on sustainable medium-term paths, to pave the way for future growth and employment. But fiscal tightening can lower growth in the short term, and this can even increase long-term unemployment, turning a cyclical into a structural problem. The bottom line is that fiscal adjustment must be done with an eye kept keenly on growth.” This doesn’t look much like a trouncing to me.

Another set of numbers worth looking at comes from April’s Office for National Statistics data release. It shows that despite prices rising by 4 per cent, average weekly earnings grew by only 2 per cent overall, while earnings in financial and business services (FBS) rose by 4.5 per cent. So real earnings – that is, earnings adjusted for price rises – for the average worker are falling, but those of bankers and financiers are rising. Average weekly earnings in February 2011 were £448 per week, compared to £596 in FBS, according to the official data.

The definitive source of data on the distribution of earnings is the Annual Survey of Hours and Earnings (ASHE). It surveys a sample of 1 per cent of UK workers – around 200,000 observations a year. The most recent data we have available is for the financial year ending April 2010; this is presented in the table below. The median gross annual earnings were £21,221, a decline of 0.4 per cent from £21,310 in 2009; median gross weekly earnings were £404, up 1.8 per cent from £397 in 2009. I use the median here because it refers to the earnings of a person halfway up the earnings distribution, a measure not pulled upwards by highly paid outliers in each group. (If we were to look at football players’ salaries, for example, the best measure is the median salary, as that is the pay of the typical person: the mean salary will be a lot higher, as it is pulled up by inclusion of all the really high-paid Premier League players.) For the working population as a whole, mean annual earnings in 2010 were £26,510, up by 0.2 per cent from £26,450 in 2009. These are highly misleading numbers, given that the 2010 pay increases were much higher at the top of the wage distribution than at the bottom.

table

A certain ratio

Research I undertook on the “wage curve” with Andrew Oswald for our 1994 MIT Press book of the same name suggests that the pay of those earning the least is likely to be hit hardest by an increase in unemployment. We discovered that, as a rough rule, when unemployment doubles, real wages fall by 10 per cent overall, and by as much as 20 per cent for the lowest-paid. So rising unemployment hits the wages of the lowest-paid the hardest. This is what has happened during the current downturn.

Of particular concern is that earning inequality took a big jump upwards in 2010, in part because of pay freezes in the public sector. A simple measure of inequality is the 90:10 ratio – that is, the relationship between the earnings of someone 90 per cent along the distribution range compared to someone 10 per cent along: the bigger the ratio, the more inequality there is. After rising sharply in the 1980s and 1990s, wage inequality has been roughly flat – in part due to the introduction of the national minimum wage – but it has started to rise again. In 2010, the 90:10 ratio calculated from the ASHE survey for the years 2007-2009 was roughly constant at 6.92:1; but it jumped to 7.16:1 in 2010 (£46,428/£6,480). Evidence from the Labour Force Survey, which is another poll of individuals used to calculate the unemployment rate, also confirms that there was a big increase in hourly earnings inequality, measured by the 90:10 ratio in the fourth quarter of 2010.

Wage inequality is rising. Bankers and financiers are doing well and ordinary workers are not. And then there are all the tax increases and spending cuts that are about to make themselves felt. We are not all in this together.

David Blanchflower is NS economics editor and a professor at Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, and the University of Stirling

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